Georgia as forward operating base, fire-for-effect!

-John M. Paxton, Commander of Marine Forces in Europe,

… “Fire-for effect” from Georgia! Peace is a Racket too!

By Patrick Downey, former USMC, now based in Moscow

“I spent 33 years and four months in active military service and during that period I spent most of my time as a high class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism. I helped make Mexico, and especially Tampico, safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International Banking House of Brown Brothers in 1902-1912. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for the American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras right for the American fruit companies in 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went on its way unmolested. Looking back on it, I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.”

- Smedley D. Butler - Maj. Gen. USMC, from his 1935 work 'War is a Racket'

            "Plus ca change Plus c'est la même chose." - "The more things change the more they stay the same."

            - Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr - French critic, journalist and novelist

            All US Marine "boots" (slang for a Marine recruit), and all Marine officers, from virtually day one of their introduction to life in the Corps, begin to learn of the heroic exploits of past Marines like Smedley Butler, Dan Daly and John Basilone. Needless to say, these young men are not so well informed as to the truth behind the reasons why such men went off to war in the first place, and nor, as far as I am aware, are they instructed in the finer points of mid-19th French Existentialism. 

            I am sure at least that this was the case when I first arrived to Parris Island, South Carolina, back in 1986 as a raw recruit.  Bear in mind that this was long before the advent of the I-pod and the newest generation of video games.  Not that I was a vociferous reader by any stretch of the imagination, but I did know my right foot from my left.   Those were the days indeed, and in retrospect it's safe to say that I probably should have listened to the advice of my mother, who was dead set against me following in the footsteps of my father, her father and her brother Bob and used to say: "You can stick a macaroni elbow in your ear, but it'll eventually crumble, disperse throughout your ear canal, cling to your eardrum and seriously mess with your equilibrium". 

            Which is kind of what's happening now in America, in the sense that we now have a buildup of fecal matter which desperately needs to be extracted; this is what lies behind the recent upsurge of sales of pneumatic jackhammers in the "Homeland", which, to my great relief, are currently being "secured" by an army of geriatric-looking fat men, and women who look as though they wished they were someplace else and in a better position.

            Now, with my training behind me, not only from boot camp but the school of hard knocks, the changes in Georgia have led me to reflect on what comes next.  The other day I decided to check out the breaking news in the Republic of Georgia from the safety of my latest digs here in Moscow, via social networking and reading the latest PR dumps. And came upon an interesting photograph of my old French pal, Boris a.k.a. Bidzina Ivanishvili, a name which, I am told, means "Johnson" in Georgian. Ivanishvili, is otherwise Ivanichvili (note the "ch") in French.

            I have never seen his Russian passport, although an old friend of mine from Paris did, but I now hear that the Georgia's lame duck president, Mikheil Saakashvili, has finally given in and allowed him his Georgian citizenship back. Ivanishvili's political party, Georgian Dream, now commands a majority in parliament and therefore the country for all practical purposes.

            Bidzina is thus set to become Georgia's next Prime Minister, and  is making the most of his days in the limelight, being pictured shaking hands with a tall, robust-looking, gray-haired chap in camouflage, who I learned, to my absolute astonishment,  is a real-life United States Marine Lieutenant General by the name of John M. Paxton, Commander of Marine Forces in Europe!  One can find this photograph, and the article which  accompanies it, via the following link, and they open a can of worms - in fact, more like a proverbial Pandora’’s Box - which needs to be opened, and the sooner the better.

            http://alethonews.wordpress.com/tag/ivanishvili

            Of course it's no coincidence that the good general happened to pop over to Tbilisi a couple of weeks after the triumvirate known as Senators John McCain, Joe Lieberman and Colonel Lindsey (who I am told kicks with his left foot) had visited  Tbilisi for a bit of grape stomping.  But it's just got to be a coincidence, for if it isn't, it has to   be a part of some conspiracy or other, perhaps related to Syria or Iran. I wonder if General Paxton has ever read Smedley Butler's book on banksters?  Perhaps I should reach out to his people and send him a copy? However, I doubt if he is the reading kind, as he follows orders without thinking. 

            But all joking aside, and leaving all "conspiracy theories" on the back burner, at least for now, I can't help imagining how things in Georgia might have been very different today, had it not been for the untimely (or timely, depending upon one's point of view) death of Badri Patarkatsishvili, Bidzina Ivanishvili's fellow billionaire, which motivated me to write this article.

 Patarkatsishvili challenged Mikheil Saakashvili for the presidency in 2008, some six months before the War in South Ossetia kicked off - anyone interested in some background regarding that might want to get in touch with a former US Marine Lance Corporal by the name of Justin Eubanks, of the 3rd Battalion, 25th Marines, who was in Georgia on a training exercise at this time.  Perhaps he's read Butler's book?

            US Controlled Colony

            Since 2003 Georgia has been something of a U.S. colony, albeit greatly influenced by foreign intelligence agencies. The 2007 conflict has much to do with networks of patronage linked to larger political agendas, arms dealsers and oil pipelines; it appears that President Mikheil Saakashvili’s calling has been to play all sides, especially the U.S., for his own political and financial benefit. He is well-prepared for his eventual departure.

            Georgia experienced a serious political crisis around the time of the conflict, in which Saakashvili was pitched against the "United Opposition," a popular movement which grew in numbers after the government violently cracked down on peaceful protesters in Tbilisi’s Rustaveli Avenue on Nov. 7, 2007, and again on May 26, 2010. Finally, out of political expediency, and the decision made in the US that it was time for change, the pro democracy forces were able to gain the majority in Parliament with the help of the United States - at least, the US did not overtly take sides, thus clearing the way for the removal of its former favorite child.  Relatively free and fair elections resulted, thanks to EU monitors who proved at last that they cannot turn a blind eye to absolutely everything, and the US finally deciding to play tough love by threatening to cut off funding if the elections were again rigged.

The responsibilities of individuals and the state to conduct moral intervention, as they at times can team up, albeit for diverging and often short term marriages of convenience, need to be considered. The moral obligations of all actors do not decrease the further they are from direct involvement. Rather,  the opportunities for action and intervention increase the further they are  removed. Hannah Arendt’s understanding of  responsibility is outlined in her book “Eichmann in Jerusalem”, where she points out how “the degree of responsibility increases as we draw further away from the man who uses the fatal instrument with his own hands (247).” Responsibility cannot be delegated; it belongs to those most affected by an action. Every human being and fledgling state has a right to self-preservation, and no obligation or “side deal” should potentially compromise this right.

Staged provocations have not been uncommon in Georgia, nor perceived winds of change. The lack of sound domestic policies required the creation of an external distraction and threat.  Saakashvili came to power in 2003 with the promise that he would restore Georgia's territorial integrity and develop democracy.  Prior to the heated parliamentary elections of 2008 and 2012 as his real popularity withered, attention was drawn to events in the conflict zones or some new tourism project, as this gave  Saakashvili more airtime and  mobilised all citizens by insisting on  the need to protect territorial integrity and  support the incumbent president as a means of doing that. That policy ultimately proved a dismal failure, and aside from a Potemkin village like make-over, Potemkin Democracy was firmly established with the help of the West, especially the US and EU.

            But getting back to Bidzina and Badri: as I wrote in my February 6, 2012 blog entitled 'Life with Bidzina Ivanishvili, an eye opening and near death experience in Georgia', my former pupil, Uta Ivanishvili (Bidzina's eldest son), had developed a rather bizarre fascination with Badri Patarkatsishvili in the weeks leading up to Patarkatsishvili's untimely (or timely) death.  The boy was only fifteen at the time, but extremely bright, as is his father.  A regular "chip off the old block", as they say.  In fact, Uta once told me during one of our English lessons that I was "naive", and I'll be damned if I state that he wasn't correct in his assertion. Apologies to General Butler: I should have read your book earlier.

I won't go too far into the bizarre behaviour of the eldest Ivanishvili child for now, but I will say that I was more than just a little taken aback to find myself confronted one afternoon with a screensaver with multiple images of Badri Patarkatsishvili popping up all over the place in one of the classrooms we used for our one-on-one lessons with the Ivanishvili children. 

            Uta seemed fascinated by Patarkatsishvili and would talk ad infinitum about him, as if he knew something about Badri which even Badri did not know of himself.  In short, it was all quite disturbing, but not as disturbing as Uta's eerie silence regarding Patarkatsishvili after his death on February 12, 2008.  If memory serves me correctly, the village of Chorvila and Ivanishvili's mountain residence/compound was covered in a thick blanket of snow during this time. I was living in a small apartment set aside for teachers and had a commanding view of the fields below, and of Sachkere in the distance. 

            But getting back to Uta's computer: I also remember being particularly struck by Patarkatsishvili's lavish sense of style, and by several of the outlandish neck ties he was wearing in those photos: it contrasts with the cool, subtle, European businessman-like image which Ivanishvili and his US State Department and Republican Institute handlers have cultivated in public in recent years. Perhaps Ivanishvili learned a thing or two about style during his years in exile in Paris?  I know that his son didn't learn a damn thing from me.  But perhaps he did?  And perhaps so did the father?

            At any rate, I think I'll give General Paxton a buzz sometime soon, just to let him know what he and the men and women under his command are getting themselves into, as they may find themselves as cannon fodder in no-man’s land.  Perhaps the good general will write his own book one day?  Or perhaps he won't?

Business back to usual in this little US colony, forward operating base

Whatever the case may be...        

            A few years ago an article appeared which kind of joins the dots about what is going on here. Black Sea to Get More Northern Distribution Network Traffic, by Joshua Kucera, EurasiaNet April 27, 2011, is about the so-called NDR route and the links between the Southern countries of Europe. However, that original plan may be moot now, as sights are now fixed on Syria and Iran – it is just a matter of timing, and waiting until the US presidential elections are over with.

As this article so clearly pointed out, “Georgia is among the locations that the U.S. is looking at to expand its facilities in the Black Sea region for transit of military cargo to Afghanistan. The main location will be Constanta, Romania, which will be used starting next month to transport cargo to Afghanistan on the Northern Distribution Network. But the U.S. is looking at further locations where it could transport material via ship to the Black Sea, then onward to Afghanistan by air.

Georgia is difficult, he said, because the only airport in the country that has adequate facilities is Tbilisi, which would require a somewhat lengthy road or rail [from the Black Sea], Georgian ports."  There have been allegations circulating for years in Russia that the Americans have been secretly supporting rebellions in Russia’s southern regions of Chechnya, Ingushetia, Dagestan and North Ossetia.

            A Senior Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) source in North Ossetia claims that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has been attempting to destabilise the Russian Government by supporting groups linked to terrorist attacks on Russian soil." That allegation was made even before more recent ones of the nexus between Georgia and a proxy, via Turkey and Syria, with Russia, Iran and various others – those who do not support America’s New Great Game in the region.

The above-mentioned article goes further.

“The Marine Corps and Norway have developed a unique relationship for the storage and care of prepositioned equipment and supplies. The method of storage to support the pre-positioned assets in a series of six caves in the Trondheim region of central Norway.”

More dots to connect: “Norway relies on the Marines' prepositioning program as a major cornerstone of that nation’s internal defence plan. With deep-water ports in close proximity to the storage caves, equipment can quickly be loaded aboard available shipping for operations in threatened parts of Europe, Africa or the Middle East. This capability was demonstrated by the supplying of equipment and ammunition in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom.”

U.S. Marines will be occupied “working in the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus regions” to “build enduring partnerships and build the capacity of partner nations' military forces” until NATO’s largest military offensive of the decade, the Afghan war – the assault on Kandahar province – is conducted. The U.S. Sixth Fleet, headquartered in Italy, has deployed warships to the Black Sea with an increased frequency over the past few years, visiting and conducting joint drills with the navies of Bulgaria, Romania and Georgia.

Two years ago it was revealed in the international media that the Pentagon planned to spend 110 million dollars to upgrade and modernise a base in Bulgaria and another in Romania, two of seven such newly-acquired installations in the two nations. The air, naval and infantry bases in Bulgaria and Romania have been employed for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and, although not publicly acknowledged, doubtlessly for arming Georgia before, during and since its five-day war with Russia in August 2008.

            On the eastern shore of the Black Sea, senior Georgian military officials met several years back with the permanent representatives of all 28 NATO member states at a sitting of the NATO-Georgia Commission (created one month after Georgia’s ill-fated war with Russia in 2008). It was announced during this period by Zbigniew Ribatski, NATO’s South Caucasus liaison officer, that the military bloc will open a representative office in Georgia.

The Georgian press has reported the launching of a U.S.-funded military training simulation facility in the country: “The Simulation Training Centre has been formed through the framework of US-Georgia cooperation. The United States, under the ongoing collaboration, donated the Centre with cutting-edge technical equipment and developed special training programmes for it.” The inauguration of this was attended by new U.S. Ambassador John Bass and NATO nations’ military attaches.

It is no coincidence that previous US Ambassador John Bass was appointed on the basis of his close connections with KBR, Halliburton and Black Water, not to mention on a local level such companies as CUBIC and ARCHANGEL, two American Defence Contractors (DoD) working in Georgia and the region. Soon it may be back to business as usual in this little US colony and forward operating base. 

-- http://www.fastmail.fm - mmm... Fastmail...

Georgia: US Controlled Colony, what now?

Georgia: US Controlled Colony

Since 2003 Georgia has been something of a U.S. colony, albeit greatly influenced by foreign intelligence agencies. The 2008 Georgian-Russian conflict over South Ossetia has much to do with networks of patronage linked to larger political agendas, arms dealers and oil pipelines; it appears that President Mikheil Saakashvili’s calling has been to play all sides, especially the U.S., for his own political and financial benefit. He is well-prepared for his eventual departure. 

Georgia experienced a serious political crisis around the time of the conflict, in which Saakashvili was pitched against the "United Opposition," a popular movement which grew in numbers after the government violently cracked down on peaceful protesters in Tbilisi’s Rustaveli Avenue on Nov. 7, 2007, and again on May 26, 2010. Finally, out of political expediency, and the decision made in the US that it was time for change, the pro democracy forces were able to gain the majority in Parliament with the help of the United States - at least, the US did not overtly take sides, thus clearing the way for the removal of its former favorite child.  Relatively free and fair elections resulted, thanks to EU monitors who proved at last that they cannot turn a blind eye to absolutely everything, and the US finally deciding to play tough love by threatening to cut off funding if the elections were again rigged.

The responsibilities of individuals and the state to conduct moral intervention, as they at times can team up, albeit for diverging and often short term marriages of convenience, need to be considered. The moral obligations of all actors do not decrease the further they are from direct involvement. Rather,  the opportunities for action and intervention increase the further they are  removed. Hannah Arendt’s understanding of  responsibility is outlined in her book “Eichmann in Jerusalem”, where she points out how “the degree of responsibility increases as we draw further away from the man who uses the fatal instrument with his own hands (247).” Responsibility cannot be delegated; it belongs to those most affected by an action. Every human being and fledgling state has a right to self-preservation, and no obligation or “side deal” should potentially compromise this right. 

Staged provocations have not been uncommon in Georgia, nor perceived winds of change. The lack of sound domestic policies required the creation of an external distraction and threat.  Saakashvili came to power in 2003 with the promise that he would restore Georgia's territorial integrity and develop democracy.  Prior to the heated parliamentary elections of 2008 and 2012 as his real popularity withered, attention was drawn to events in the conflict zones or some new tourism project, as this gave  Saakashvili more airtime and  mobilized all citizens by insisting on  the need to protect territorial integrity and  support the incumbent president as a means of doing that. That policy ultimately proved a dismal failure, and aside from a Potemkin village like make-over, Potemkin Democracy was firmly established with the help of the West, especially the US and EU. 

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Why is Badri Patarkatsishvili better off dead than alive for some?

You be the judge: case of Badri Patarkatsishvili  “Badri” – why is he better off dead than alive for some?

“I believe you and Badri have one G--d and you will use this for the good for his family and children and for the truth.” Maybe this is bigger risk than I did before. I did it only for the sake of your religion and the future of my country.”

I found this article:

http://www.civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=25358

How close are you with this TV channel?

Otari Dabrundashvili’s   testimony

I, Otari Dabrundashvili, who lives at Balanchivadze Street No 28, Tbilisi, Georgia, make the following statement:

1. The following statements, unless stated otherwise by me, derive from my personal knowledge. If any statement is not based on my own knowledge, I rely on other information, the source of which is indicated by me, which I believe to be truthful.

2. My family's defense lawyer has informed me that documents or copies of the documents of the court hearings mentioned herein have been scanned and placed in a database known as the Database of the Ringtail Central Chancellery, which is hosted by the company FTI consulting (Ringtail).  During this testimony I will give the Ringtail identification numbers of the documents and copies of documents in the database, as they have been indicated to me by my family's defense lawyer.

 Introduction

3. I am a citizen of Georgia. My primary profession was that of an economist, and I worked in the field during the Soviet era. After the USSR's breakup I chose to work in the “GruzAvtoVazProm” company, basically because Badri Patarkatsishvili (“Badri”), a friend of mine since childhood, was working there.

4. I had known Badri since age 17-19. Our friendship was based on personal charisma. Shortly after we became acquainted with each other, Badri was introduced to Ina Gudavadze (“Ina”). They were in a friendly relationship for approximately 5 years and eventually married. After this I had very close relations with this family. Badri and I were both appointed Vice-Directors of “GrusAvtoVazProm".

5. When I was first introduced to Badri I noticed that he had some special quality, a notion that he could achieve many things in his life. He was self-confident and a naturally successful person. Most importantly, he always wished to achieve more. He was, as we say, a “man of business”. He was distinguished by his abilities in communication and technical/practical skills.

6. It was the great pleasure for me to work at “GruzAvtoVazProm”. This manufacturer was the main distributor in the Caucasus of the spare parts for the “Jziguli” cars manufactured by “Avtovaz”.  Badri and I often travelled together to the main “Avtovaz” factory, which was located in the Russian town of Tolyatti. Thanks to Badri I gained many friends there. These included Boris Berezovsky (hereinafter “BB”), who Badri and I met many times in Tolyatti, Georgia, Israel and London (information about this will be provided below).

7. From the moment, at the beginning of the 90’s, when Badri agreed to move to Moscow to join “Logovaz”, where he worked as a part-time consultant, I began to detach myself from “GruzAvtoVazProm” and any “Logovaz” connections,  as I was then back  in Georgia, where I was working as a commercial director. For 1-2 years I worked on my own projects in Georgia, so I had no business ties with Badri. Despite this I still had good relations with his family.

8. I would say that long before this time, and subsequently, Badri was undoubtedly very fond of his family, and this was clear to me. During one of my visits to Moscow he introduced me to his boy, who was with him. He said that he was called Dato (Davit). The boy was about 1 year old, and his mother was Olga Saphonova (“Olga”) – a woman I had met many years before in Tolyatti in the “Avtovaz” factory.  She had become acquainted with Badri, as far as I know, in the Tolyatti factory and later moved to a job in the Moscow office of “Avtovaz”.  Badri had friendly relations with Olga, but I never heard Badri say that Olga was his partner or mistress, all I heard from him was how much he loved Ina and his own family.

9. I am absolutely faithful to Badri and his family and will remain faithful. This is a widespread practice in Georgian business circles. People operate more through trust in a person than formal regulations or civil and legislative norms. Badri took care of me and my family, he never paid me a salary and if he suggested it I would refuse to take one.  We were so close to each other and trusted each other so deeply that this was not necessary. Instead, I received from Badri as much money as was necessary for me and my family to have a roof over our heads and a car, cover education costs for my children.  Buy food and spare clothes and so on. In fact we acted as one family. I have the same relations with Badri’s family today. At the same time I would like to underline that this will not affect negatively the truthfulness and correctness of this testimony. I express myself correctly as far as I can.  I am well aware of my obligations before the Court, and no one has told me not to fulfill those obligations, in full and with due respect.

 Badri’s return to Georgia in 2001

10. At the beginning of 2001 Badri called me over the phone and said that he was about to return to Georgia and take up permanent residence. When he returned we and his two sisters visited the tomb of his father.  This was a very emotional moment, at which he turned to me and said that from then on he would stay in Georgia forever.  He asked me to stay with him as his assistant. I agreed, I spent all my time with him, helping him in his day-to-day affairs and resolving problems with different projects. Moreover I often accompanied him on his business trips.

11. When Badri and I were in Moscow on business I concluded that Badri had close personal and business relations with Mr. BB.  Badri informed me that he was a full shareholder of BB’s operations in Russia. At that time Badri had no serious operations in Georgia. On his return to Georgia in 2001 he never mentioned BB in connection with his investments in Georgia. As I spent every working day with Badri, I believe he had no reason to lie to me about this, continually, over a period of years. Moreover, if BB (or any other person) had had shares in Badri’s Georgian investments, Badri would have told me about this. Because I was involved in these investments, and I was a partner in many of them, in favour of Badri, if any other person, and especially such a person as BB, had had shares in these particular operations, I believe Badri would inevitably have told me this at some point, and BB also would have asked me about his shares. I cannot recall any such statement or indication ever being given.

12. Badri would consider it inappropriate to discuss the details of his business dealings outside Georgia, with which I had no connection, with me.

Working procedures and documents

13. I would like to touch on circumstances connected with Badri and his family and work. When he first returned from Moscow we worked from his flat, which is at Paliashvili Street No 110. After this, he purchased the former Wedding Palace in Tbilisi and began repair work there.  When these were completed, in 2003, he moved his residence and office to this Palace. He spent much time there. He worked there with his private secretary, Maya Motserelia, but during the day almost all his hours in the Palace he spent with me.  

As I was working alongside him I did not need my own office. Many people regarded me as Badri’s shadow. In connection with Badri’s business activities many other people also spent a lot of time with Badri, for example Paata Namshuridze, but no one spent as much time with him as I did. 

14. I was the head of Badri’s administration, responsible for security, drivers, etcetera, and as  will be discussed below, I ran more than one comparatively small Georgian business operation,  many of which I also purchased, but always with Badri’s money and his consent. In fact the purchase of many of these companies came about after I had suggested it to Badri, and Badri agreed to purchase them, or consented to me doing so, trusting that I could create something useful out of them together with him.

15. I did not need to keep much documentation in connection with my activities and communications or any other papers. My work was primarily done over the phone. Written correspondence was composed and sent from Badri’s office by Maya Motserelia.

16. I have been asked to comment on how Badri produced big documents. Through working with Badri for so many years, it became very clear to me that he disliked reading big documents. He preferred short annotations and hearing explanations of details from people verbally, rather than researching written details. I am aware that Badri’s knowledge of the English language was basic conversational English. At the beginning of 2000 his level of English was very restricted, but by the beginning of 2007 his knowledge had improved so much that he could hold simple dialogues with people, which did not require him to engage in long conversations and complicated discussions.

I never saw him read any English documents and I do not believe that he could have done this or had any interest in doing this.  He could only read small English documents of an elementary level. It is unlikely that Badri would ever have read, approved or signed any important documents in the English language. I remember that from time to time he asked Maya or persons working with Maya to summarise for him the content of short documents in English. The long documents were always translated into Georgian/Russian for him.

17. In the middle of November 2007 (as will be explained below) Badri was in Israel but preparing for the presidential campaign in Georgia. I left him in Israel, for he was still working there, and lived in London with his family in his home at Downside Manor.  At approximately this time I was informed that Badri was nervous about documents and writings in Georgia which might be used against him. Later I believe Badri ordered his staff to destroy his private and business documents in Georgia.

18. l I also believe that the Georgian government confiscated  documents from the office near the Sport Palace were Badri kept papers concerning his companies and operations. The above-mentioned office was run by Mr. Giorgi Jaoshvili. As far as I am aware these documents have not been returned even to this day.

19. I am not aware If Badri kept any other records in Tbilisi or any other place.  I am not aware if any audio or any other records were kept in his offices. At the same time I believe that for such an important businessman as Badri it is usual to make records of discussions. I am aware that Badri and his family employed a Mr. Sazanov to undertake security measures, but I am not aware whether or not he was tasked with making records.  I was once introduced to Andrey Lugovoy in Tbilisi, as a guest of Badri, but I am not aware whether Badri asked him to make any records.

The operations in Georgia

20. As previously mentioned many of Badri's operations in Georgia were officially registered in my name. These included lands, buildings, construction projects, and so on. Many of them had emerged from business opportunities which I had detected and suggested to Badri as potential investments. If we agreed on such projects, their management was usually entrusted to me and/or other persons. Generally the management of property, taxes and relations with third parties were easier for a person with legal ownership rights to undertake. Badri was not willing to engage in such relations in connection with such operations. Consequently these smaller operations were purchased with Badri's money, but registered officially in my name, and/or that of other person.  Badri himself paid much more attention to his bigger investments, such as “Kulevi”, “Imedi”, “Magti”, “Borjomi” and “Rustavi” and to charitable activities. He entrusted with great pleasure, to me and persons like me, the management of comparatively small scale operations.

21. Whilst preparing this testimony I drafted a list of all those Georgian operations which really belonged to Badri but were registered in my name or others' names. This list I passed to the defence lawyers of Ina Gudavadze.  The original is the document known as Georgian Language Draft (1). It was drafted by me whilst preparing this testimony, and not in connection with the other court hearing known to me. The list of above mentioned operations is the same, or as near as possible, as the list I passed soon after the funeral of Badri to Mrs. Ina Gudavadzen Tbilisi. I do not know for which purposes she needed this but I think she was trying to identify which operations in Georgia belonged to Badri. 

22. The taxes levied on property registered in my name were comparatively low, and I paid them with sums of money given me by Badri. I think the same procedure was followed in all Badri’s operations which were registered in the names of others. In some cases properties were managed by warrants of attorney – in other words, by proxy (trusts). I know Badri created some trusts in offshore zones in the names of his and/or other families.  Following this it is clear that it was impossible to register those operations under my name.  At the same time, in several cases, some companies presented warrants in my name for the purpose of managing the above mentioned operations on their own behalf.

23. One or two of the above-mentioned operations were put into the hands of offshore holding companies.  I considered that some of the big landholdings which I managed would be more secure if registered in the name of trusts (offshore companies). That’s why I asked the Georgian defence lawyers of Badri to take the necessary measures to register those lands with offshore companies. I sometimes discuss these questions with Badri, but in many cases I acted on my own initiative.

24. At the beginning of 2000 Badri appeared to make progress in his understanding of foreign legislative systems and began to become more interested with using such systems to protect his ownership rights in various operations and the regulation of his relations with these entities.  Despite this, as mentioned above, this did not affect his operations in Georgia, which were Badri’s possessions but registered in my name. The basis for their registration was agreed between me and Badri and was absolutely clear.

25. In such cases formalities were never necessary. As mentioned, my relations with Badri were based on mutual trust, as were all my other formal relations with Badri.

Khulevi

26.  I know the following about Badri's participation in the Khulevi Petroleum storage depot. Badri told me that he had decided to invest in Khulevi and to conduct construction and development work there together with Vitali Sepashvili.  As far as I am aware, Vitali Sepashvili was already the owner of Khulevi, but wished Badri to invest in the petroleum storage depot to provide   necessary investment capital. Many times I visited Khulevi during the construction work together with Badri.  In approximately 2003 Badri also purchased the locomotive engine which was kept in the Broadcloth factory (Maudkamvoli). He told me that he would need to use this engine, in due time, to transport the oil containers. He also said that a railway line would be constructed from Poti to the Khulevi petroleum storage depot along the Black Sea coast.

I received an official invitation for the opening ceremony of this in 2008, and also two brochures in which Vano Chkhartishvili was named as a partner in this venture. I had not heard this man's name before in connection with the oil terminal. In these documents I saw the names of the other partners/companies involved in the venture but not Badri’s name. I was very surprised. I do not know why this omission was necessary. When I asked Ina, she said that no doubt Badri was an investor. She add that in fact everyone knew that since Badri’s death many of those people whom Badri had trusted and had had business relations were trying to take his property  into their own hands, and in many cases were treating Badri’s property as their own if it was formally registered in their name.

27. In the case of the Rustavi metallurgical factory, I know that Badri was the 100% owner of this factory. I also knew that he involved other persons in the management of this factory – particularly Joseph Kay (“Kay”).  I am certain that Badri would have told me if he considered any of these persons to be the legitimate owner of this factory.  It is clear that all the operations Badri owned he owned for himself and his family.

28.  Badri informed me that the was introduced to Kay for the first time when  Badri and Ina visited  New York in the mid 90's, when Kay and his family were living  in poverty.( I do not remember whether I was aware  if Badri had been  acquainted with Kay since childhood).  In any case, Badri cared for Kay when Kay arrived in Moscow. During one or two of my visits to Moscow Badri explained to me that he was taking care of Kay and his family, and in particular had got jobs in “ORT” for Kay and Kay’s sister and brother-in-law, who had accompanied him to Moscow.

29.    I was informed that Kay was a distant relative of Badri, and therefore concluded that this was the reason Badri had appointed him to a senior position. Eventually Kay began to work for Badri and/or some operations were registered in his name. This was exactly the case with the Rustavi metallurgical factory, and also the Agara sugar factory which Kay ran together with Tariel Shaverdashvili. Bearing this in mind, among the trusted friends of Badri Kay had a very exceptional role.

Roman Abramovich

30. I met Roman Abramovich twice when he visited Badri. One time was when Mr. Abramovich came to Georgia for a short visit with Badri.

31. The second meeting was very remarkable. It took place in Israel in the Camp David Hotel in the middle of 2007. Badri and I often stayed there, as did BB back then. I knew that BB was suing Abramovich, or was about to sue him. At the same time Badri had good relations with Mr. Abramovich.

I saw that the dialogue between them was without tension or difficulties. I remember that when the three of us were drinking coffee together, Badri, BB and I, Badri stood up and said that we should go  shopping and buy presents (Badri loved to buy presents; he often gave presents to Ina and his family). As we were about to go out of the hotel we accidentally encountered Abramovich in the lobby. He was dressed in old jeans and a t-shirt and was eating crackers.  Badri approached him and said that it was funny that they had met, and even funnier that   BB was sitting near Mr. Abramovich and drinking coffee. It was clear that Badri was making this comment in the context of the pretensions of BB.  In this context Badri jokingly said to Abramovich: “If Boris wins, I will get 50% of the sum he will gain from you in the courts, if you win I will get 50% from you.”

Breaking of economic ties

32. In 2003-2004 Badri was concerned about the social and political positions of BB in Russia. I know that at the beginning of 2004 Badri stated openly that his personal wish was to separate his business operations from those of BB. He discussed this subject for 2-3 years. It was clear that this question seriously worried him, as he was connected with BB by solid friendship and faithfulness.

33. Around the end of 2005 he said that he would not be having any more business dealings with BB. After this he said that he had officially detached his shares from those of BB. This information was disseminated in the media, where it was stated that BB and Badri were still friends, but wouldn’t be doing business together any more.

Presidential campaign

34. In the middle of November in 2007 I departed for Israel with Badri. This visit was connected with Badri’s presidential campaign in Georgia. In Israel I openly expressed my deep concern about his decision to take part in the presidential campaign. I thought this was an inappropriate step for him and a burden he should not take on. I think that in this particular matter Badri had taken into consideration, and followed, BB’s opinion. The next day he politely declared to me that it would be better if I left Israel. He suggested that I move to London and live with his family till the end of the presidential campaign.  I moved to London and lived in Surrey, in Downside Manor, until the death of Badri in 2008.

Death of Badri in 2008

35. Badri returned to Downside Manor from Israel after his presidential campaign was over.  Although I remember well many of the things which happened before his death, at the time of his death and afterwards, in many cases I cannot rationally explain even today why some of them took place.

36. On the day before his death and the day of his death Badri woke up early in the morning and went out of Downside Manor, not telling anybody anything. I almost always went everywhere with him, so this seemed strange to me. On the day Badri died, February 12, he returned home late in the afternoon. The chef told me that Badri was preparing to have supper with me and others that evening. When I approached the dining table Badri asked me to move from the place allocated for me at the other end of the table and sit at the right side of him. I was surprised by this because this seat was usually reserved for his brothers-in-law. Badri recommended that I try the food, but did not eat anything himself. He was very tired, exhausted, but he did not say why.

37. After supper we went to sleep.  After this I was called to see him and when I entered his room I saw that one of his drivers was performing resuscitation procedures on him. He was a former soldier tasked with conducting medical procedures. It was soon evident that nothing was helping him and that Badri was dead. The police who were called closed the house for the night and the greater part of the next day. After the police opened the house up again several people came, among them BB and Mr. Glushkov. They said that they had been waiting outside for a very long time. After this BB (and many other people) came in and out many times. He was crying.

38. In the following days I saw Ina periodically as discussions were pending with defence lawyers. Naturally, as I do not know English I did not understand what they were talking about.  I was not sure how to act, or what to tell Ina. Ina herself was very upset after Badri’s death; she became inadequate, and stopped dealing with things which needed attention and serious consideration.

39. But the most worrying was the day when Ina, Natela and Ina’s daughters returned from Downside Manor with me to Georgia. Till that moment I had thought that Ina had signed those judicial documents which the English lawyers had been discussing with her and that this signature was merely connected with the procedures of certifying Badri’s death. 

-

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Murder of Zurab Zhvania, former Georgian PM, cold case is heating up!!!

MAN HUNT, FBI AGENT:  Brian Parman rewarded and promoted for cover-up of murder of Georgian PM

Years ago, 2004, Brian Parman is quoted by the Caucaisn Knot as saying, "[thus far] … we see no evidence to consider that certain forces were involved in Zhvania's death. We have no reasons to dispute the conclusions drawn by our Georgian colleagues." 

FBI experts consider Zhvania's death accident

According to preliminary data, the death of Zurab Zhvania was a tragic accident. FBI experts came to such a conclusion after in Tbilisi, they had studied investigation materials concerning the Georgian prime minister's death. FBI legal attache in Georgia Brian Parman told the Caucasian Knot correspondent about it. "By now we see no evidence to consider that certain forces were involved in Zhvania's death. We have no reasons to dispute the conclusions drawn by our Georgian colleagues," he said.

Mr Parman noted that 1,400 people died from carbon monoxide in the US last year. He also pointed out that the group of FBI agents who finished their work in Tbilisi specialized in poison gases as well as carbon monoxide. The FBI agents took away to the US samples from the flat in which Zhvania died. Results of the examination, which will be done in an FBI laboratory in the US, will be known in 3-4 weeks and submitted to the Georgian government.

Zurab Zhvania was found dead on February 3 in a rented flat in Tbilisi, where he was together with vice governor of the Kvemo-Kartli region Raul Yusupov.

FBI INVESTIGATION

(Moscow Times) Agents from the FBI's Turkish office conducted unspecified tests in the apartment where Zhvania and his host were found dead on Feb. 3. Katuna Khvediashvili, a spokeswoman for Georgia's prosecutor general, said the agents' preliminary conclusions "coincided with those made by their Georgian colleagues."

FBI arrives to investigate Gori bombing, Zhvania's death

24-Saati reports that American FBI specialists arrived in Tbilisi to investigate the Gori terrorist act and former Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania's death.
"Participation of the American Federal Bureau of Investigation in both cases took place only because the Georgian side requested their presence, so as to provide the Georgian population with an answer to the question is anything being concealed from them," stated U.S. Ambassador to Georgia Richard Miles.
 

According to Miles, the FBI does not doubt results of the technical examination and also does not have any evidence pointing to Zhvania's murder. He states that the United States does not see any connection between the Gori terrorist act and Zhvania's death. "America does not doubt the jurisdiction and good will of the Georgian side," said Miles.
 

Deputy General Prosecutor Giorgi Janashia stated that the American specialists are taking part in the investigation. "FBI specialists have checked all the information concerning the heater that was installed in the Raul Usupov's flat and learnt all the details of it," stated Janashia. 

Dated Commentary 

As written back in 2004, the“news,” for those who haven’t been following breaking news, is that Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania was killed on February 3rd of this year by carbon monoxide poisoning; authorities there have so far called the death accidental. Zhvania’s younger “friend,” his host for the evening, also died in the fatal “leak from a faulty Iranian heater.”

(The deadly beast in question is sometimes referred to as a “badly installed Iran-made heater” or an “Iranian heater that was recently installed ignoring safety codes,” but, oddly, if it’s a Georgian official speaking, they inevitably bring up the fact that the heater was from Iran. Are they on GWB’s payroll and milking the divine opportunity to subliminally paint Iran in a bad light?

Or maybe they’re playing that age old Georgian game of plant-a-villain, which Stalin particularly excelled at; knowing that the entire population would first howl and snarl: “Russia!” upon hearing of the PM’s untimely death, they could have popped the concept of another potential bad guy into the national consciousness, and thus staved off the inevitable collective groan of: “….wait a minute. You’re the ones who wanted him gone….”  Or, perhaps most likely, maybe Saakashvili’s boys are stupider than we give them credit for.)

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Georgian Prison Torture - Russian Text

-Одна из многих ужасающих историй о пенитенциарной системе Грузии.

«Волки-садисты охраняют овец» - тюремные ужасы продолжаются.

Седьмого июля текущего года был арестован мой партнер и друг Георгий Кебурия. Причиной его ареста стали определённые проблемы в его прошлой деятельности в сфере бизнеса. Он по сей день находиться в предварительном заключении в Глданской тюрьме №7. Мне было отказано с ним встретиться. Адвокатам, в свою очередь, не удалость установить точную причину его задержания. Судебного процесса по его делу всё ещё нет. Адвокаты и члены его семьи настолько напуганы, что всячески избегают разговоров на эту тему. Мы всё ещё не знаем реальной причины его ареста. Даже посол Нидерландов в Грузии Шота Гвинерия, который встречался с Кебурией до его ареста, не захотел говорить на эту тему, Посол, однако полагает, что обвинение, выдвинутое против Кебурии, сфабриковано, хотя он не имеет возможности вмешаться в дело. Георгий попросил посла, чтобы ему дали в тюрьме Библию, но адвокату не разрешили сделать этого. Позднее посол Нидерландов прислал мне разъяснение по поводу случая, в котором он говорит следующее: «Вы наверное крайне удивлены моей позицией, тем более принимая во внимание мою должность и мои функции. Но позвольте разъяснить, что, первое, я дипломат, второе  - я не прокурор и не судья, и третье, я не правомочен оказывать влияние на юридические и неюридические процедуры, которые имеют место в Грузии».

Четвертого октября сего года, в 5. 30, я направился в тюрьму. Показав администрации свой паспорт и сказав, что явлюсь свидетелем Иеговы, потребовал встречи со своим партнером Г. Кебурией. Просьба моя была без проблем удовлетворена, и я встретился с Георгием. Встреча оказалось очень эмоциональной, что нетрудно понять. Мне сразу бросилось в глаза то, что он слишком похудел. Георгий рассказал мне обо всем том, что ему пришлось пережить с первого дня своего пребывания в тюрьме.

Для меня до этого момента было просто невообразимо, что в Грузии могут случаться подобные зверства. Теперь, однако я, зная, что в тюрьмах охранники насилуют и пытают заключенных, и делают другие всякого рода мерзости, и что человек подвергается всему этому с самого первого дня своего заключения. Комната №2, в которой проходила моя встреча с Георгием, была оснащена камерами и микрофонами. Наш разговор продолжался 45 минут. Моё изумление и восхищение вызвала сила веры, которую я увидел в Георгии. Три месяцев постоянных пыток и истязаний не сломили его. Его не столько волновала собственная судьба, сколько он беспокоился обо мне. Я готов был заплакать, но сумел сдержать слёзы до выхода из тюрьмы. С первого дня своего заключение Г. Кебурия молился, держа в руке тюремную Библию, которой в тюрьме никто не пользовался, демонстрируя охранникам пример стойкости.

На следующие день, я, вместе с парой моих друзей, снова попытался увидеть Георгия. Один из них гражданин США, журналист и правозащитник. Днем раньше я пообещал Георгию снова навестить его и сделать всё возможное, для того чтоб вытащить его из этого дыры. Однако тюремная охрана на этот раз не позволила нам встретиться. Было названо множество причин отказа. Первой причиной было то, что журналистам и правозащитникам не разрешено посещать заключенных. Они при этом сослались на законодательство, согласно которому  свидание с заключенными разрешено лишь их ближайшим родственником. При этом мы могли прочесть этот закон лишь на веб-сайте. Подобное, однако является нарушением прав человека.

Когда же мой друг категорический потребовал, чтобы его впустили как журналиста  и правозащитника, то ему отказали и назвали его провокатором. Над нами даже стали насмехаться. Представители тюремной администрации затем связались по телефону с центром по защите прав человека и проверили, был ли мой друг послан сюда этим учреждением. Начали проверять наши связи. Всё это наглядно продемонстрировало, что министерство внутренних дел и организации, защищающие права человека в Грузии в действительности активно сотрудничают с друг другом и что МВД имеет своих информаторов всюду.

После всего этого они сказали нам, что сейчас уже очень поздно и что свидания разрешены лишь до 18 часов. Однако это было очевидной ложью, поскольку днем раньше меня впустили в тюрьму в 17:45. Таким образом, они попытались создать новое препятствие и сказали, что во время вчерашнего моего посещения было сделано исключение. Теперь же они обязаны придерживаться установленных правил. Согласно тюремной администрации, мы должны были достать разрешение от департамента для тюрем, который находиться на улице Горгасали №83. Мы действительно не могли понять того, почему днем раньше меня так легко впустили в тюрьму. Неужто из-за того, что я держал в руке библию и литературу Свидетелей Иеговы?

Я пишу о моих впечатлениях, в частности о том, что мне пришлось увидеть в течение последних дней и о том, что пришлось пережить моему другу Георгию Кебурия. То, что меня поразила во время всего этого, было не новое здание тюремного корпуса, а духовная сила и стойкость моего друга, который был заточен в своей тюремной камере и находился в полном моральном неведении. Меня также удивило и то, что во всех коридорах тюрьмы можно было видеть разную религиозную символику, а также священнослужителей, которые были одеты в черное. Как же такое могло быть, чтобы эти священники ничего не рассказывали миру о тех ужасных вещах, которые происходят в этой тюрьме. Это не происходило по той причине, что вся система окутана мраком. Эти вещи вышли на явь лишь после тех жутких видеокадров, которые недавно были показаны разними телеканалами. Даже, несмотря на то, что все – заключенные, их семьи, правозащитники -  знали обо всём том, что происходило в тюрьмах, никто не отваживался говорить о них открыто. Боялись за свою собственную жизнь и безопасность, как и за жизнь и безопасность своих близких.

В тюремном зале я также увидел транспарант, сделанный в современном стиле. Он извещал, что в 2011 году эта тюрьма удовлетворяла все требования европейского стандарта.

По рассказам Георгия Кебурия, 85 человек из тюремной администрации лично участвовали в пытках заключенных и они до сих пор занимают свои должности. Те методы пыток, которых подверглись Кебурия  и его сокамерники, можно узнать лично от них. Они больше не боятся говорить правду.

После нескольких лет, что я прожил в Грузии, я понял, что здесь нет реальной демократии, что это ничто иное как лжедемократия Микки Мауса. Самими большими ценностями Христианской религии являются любовь и сострадание, однако исходя из той информации, которую я получил в результате посещения тюрьмы, можно сказать, что главными ценностями в Грузии являются  – дубинка, метла и «очень плохие слова».

С самого первого момента, когда Георгий оказался в тюрьме, 20 охранников, которые обязаны били объяснить ему свои права, жестоко избили его. Когда человек становиться заключенным, первое, что ему должны предоставить, это зачитать его права и объяснить тюремные правила и тюремный порядок. Это стандартная практика во всем мире. Но здесь новых заключенных избивают до полусмерти, оскорбляют, унижают и говорят, что они отсюда никогда не выйдут живимы. Точно также угрожали Георгию. После первого избиения Георгий в течение трёх дней не мог встать с постели и ходить. На протяжении 7 дней ему не разрешали мыться и менять одежду, что является ещё одним методов пыток.

Георгию противостояло 100 представителей тюремной администрации. Они мучили его и вели себя как дикие звери. В конце, когда я уже покидал комнату №2, он сказал мне следующее: «Вилли, мы братья и у нас есть отец, который любит нас. Зовут отца нашего Иегова и в этой тюрьме уже каждый знает имя это. Те, кто совершал всё это, ответят перед ним. Прежде всего те, кто отдавал приказы (включая Мишу Саакашвили). Бог видит всё».

Они ответят перед богом за страдания моего друга. Те преступления, которые совершили эти люди есть ничто, в сравнении с тем, что творят тюремные надзиратели и другие служащие этого заведения по отношению к ним. Как они могут после всего этого спокойно возвращаться домой и смотреть в глаза своим детям и другим членам семьи? Лично я шокирован всем тем, что здесь происходило.

Самым вопиющим фактом во всей этой истории, по словам моего американского друга, является то,  что Гурам Донадзе, который является директором Глданской тюрьмы (раньше он руководил пресс-службой МВД и является сейчас также директором телекомпании REAL TV. Он находиться также в близких отношениях с Бачо Ахалаия и Тако Салакая) был назначен правительством ответственным за проведение реформы в данном учреждении. По некоторым данным Донадзе также замешан в деле Сандра Гиргвлиани, в котором последний после пыток был зверский убит. Мы имеем дело с ситуацией, когда волку вверяют охрану овец. «Подобные субъекты не должны занимать столь ответственные должности» – говорит мой американский друг - правозащитник.

Спустя три месяца после ареста Георгия Кебурия, всё ещё остается без ответа вопрос, почему его так долго держат в тюрьме. Эта история Микки Мауса, которая ничего общего с демократией не имеет. Мой грузинский партнёр и друг всё еще не знает точно, за что его посадили. Ему еще не даже не предъявили формального обвинения. Вероятнее всего, его арестовали на основании чьей-то жалобы, которая так и не была никем изучена.

Доклад составлен после посещения Глданской тюрьмы № 7.

Авторы доклада -  Вильям ван дер Вейде (Голландия) и Джефри Сильверман (США).

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Results of EU Funded Prison Reform in Georgia - torture!!!

-Just one of many horror stories - Georgian Penitentiary System

“Sadistic wolves guarding the sheep” – it continues!!!

As told by William Van Der Weide, Citizen of Netherlands

This year, on July 7, Giorgi Keburia, 30, my business partner and friend, was arrested due to some previous business dealings. He is now in provisional custody (pre-trial detention). He is being held in Gldani prison number 8, and people have not been permitted to visit him. Neither have his lawyers been allowed to find out on which grounds he has been incarcerated. No trial has yet been held or scheduled. Not surprisingly, this being Georgia, neither his family members nor his attorneys have been able to talk about the case, out of fear.

It is unclear to us why Giorgi was really arrested in the first place. Even the Ambassador of Netherlands, Shota Gvineria, who met with him before he was imprisoned, is refusing to talk about the case. He thinks the charge is fabricated, and it would be dangerous for him to get involved. Giorgi asked for a Bible, but his lawyer was not allowed to supply him one.  He later writes to my contact that - you might have been confused regarding my position and functions, therefore let me clarify for you (a) I am a diplomat (b) I am NOT a prosecutor or judge and (c) I can NOT influence any legal or illegal procedures in Georgia.

On October 4, at 5:30, I went to the prison building and presented my passport. I said I was a Jehovah’s Witness and asked them to let me see my partner Giorgi Keburia. I was allowed to go in without any complications. The meeting was, of course, very emotional. I noticed he had lost a lot of weight and he started telling me what he had had to endure from the moment he was first taken to the prison.

I could never have imagined that in Georgian society people would act like wild animals, but as I now know policemen use violence and torture and do other horrible things to people as soon as they seize them. I met with Giorgi in room number 2, which was well-equipped with surveillance cameras and microphones (bugs). We talked for 45 minutes and I was astonished at the power of his faith; I was very impressed by it.  They hadn’t broken him, even after three months of constant torture, and he wasn’t worried only about himself but about me too. I wanted to cry. But I managed to hold back my tears until after I had left the prison. This man had been praying from the very first day of his imprisonment, using the prison Bible no one else was reading, and he was showing those guards who was who.

I tried to visit Giorgi again the next day with a few of my friends. One of them is an American citizen, journalist and human rights defender. The day before I had promised Giorgi that I would visit him and do my best to help him get out of that filthy place, but the prison guards wouldn’t give us permission to see him this time. They kept coming up with different reasons for keeping us out. First they said journalists and human rights activists weren’t allowed to see prisoners (they explained that according to legislation only next of kin had the right to visit prisoners and that we could read the legislation only on the web-page; this is a violation of human rights.

When my friend demanded to be let in, as a journalist and human right protector, he was refused and accused of being a provocateur. We were mocked; they called the human rights centre to check whether he had actually been sent by someone from there or not. They were checking our connections. This clearly shows that the Ministry of Internal Affairs and 'human rights organizations’ active in Georgia are actually working together, they have their informers everywhere.

After all this they said that it was already too late, and visiting hours had ended at 18:00. However this was clearly a lie, as I entered at 17:45 the day before. So they created a new obstacle, and told us that yesterday they had made an exception and now they had to follow the rules; they said we had to ask permission from the prison department at 83 Gorgasali Street. Then we wondered why they had let me in the previous day - was it because I was holding a Bible and Jehovah’s Witness literature?

I’m writing about my impressions, about what I have seen over the last few days, about what my friend Giorgi Keburia has had to endure. The one thing which astonished me in this prison was not the newly constructed building but the personal strength and fortitude of my friend, who was locked in complete moral darkness in his prison cell. I was also surprised that in every corridor I could see religious symbols, and priests dressed in black - how come these clerics had never brought the horrifying stories of this prison to the outside world? This hasn't happened because the whole system is shrouded in darkness. The stories have become public only after the notorious recent videos were broadcast by different TV channels. Even though everyone knew about these terrible things, prisoners, their families, human rights activists, nobody, has dared to talk about them openly out of fear for their own lives or the safety of their loved ones.

I also saw a modern design award displayed in the prison hall. The sign said that this distinguished prison satisfies all  European standards. According to Giorgi Keburia, 85 prison employees still working there have been  personally involved in prisoner torture and yet  still hold on to their posts and offices. But you can now read all about the torture methods used on Keburia, or learn about them from Giorgi and his cellmates in person – they are no longer afraid to tell the truth.

I have lived in Georgia for several years, but now see that ‘democracy’ is not real here. Georgian democracy resembles the false democracy of Mickey Mouse. The greatest value of Christianity is love and compassion, but apparently, as the prison example shows, the highest values in Georgia include the bludgeon, the broom and “very bad words”.

Giorgi was beaten by a welcoming committee 20 guards the moment he entered the prison, they should have been explaining to him his rights. When a prisoner is taken into custody the first thing which must be done is to read him his rights and explain prison rules and regulations to him – this is standard practice everywhere. However, in this place prisoners are beaten half to death, insulted, humiliated and told that they will never walk out of there alive. Giorgi was also threatened he’d never leave the prison alive.  After the first time they beat him Giorgi couldn’t walk or even get out of bed for 3 days. For 7 days they wouldn’t allow him to take a shower or change clothes, which was one more way of torturing him.

Giorgi  stands alone against 100 representatives of the prison administration. They have tormented him as if they were wild animals. In the end, as I was leaving room 2, he told me: “Will, we are brothers and we have a father who loves us. The name of our father is Jehovah and everyone knows his name in this prison now. The people who did this will answer before him, especially those who ordered this (including President Misha Saakashvili). God sees everything.”

They will answer to God for the sufferings of my friend. The crimes these prisoners have committed are nothing in comparison to what the prison guards and other employees are committing against them. How can they go home after this and look their children or family members in the eye? Personally I am shocked by all that has happened.

The most disturbing aspect of this, explained my American friend, is that Guram Donadze, the Gldani prison warden (former head of the press centre of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and director of REAL TV, who also has close connections with Bacho Akhalaia and Tako Salakhaia), has been appointed to reform the prison. This man was allegedly involved in the brutal murder and torture of Sandro Girgvliani. This is a case of wolves guarding sheep. This kind of person shouldn’t be allowed to occupy such a responsible position, said my American friend.

Three months after Giorgi Keburia’s arrest the question of why he has been held in prison for so long is still unanswered. This is the story of Mickey Mouse, not democracy. My Georgian partner and friend still do not know for sure why he was actually taken into custody. He hasn’t been formally charged with a crime. He has been imprisoned, it seems, only on the grounds of a single complaint someone once filed, which no one has ever investigated.

Written after visiting the Gladni Prison number 8.

Described by William Van Der Weide, citizen of Netherlands, and transcribed and edited by Jeffrey Silverman, journalist, human rights advocate.

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Torture in Georgian Prisons, it continues!!!

-Just one of many horror stories - Georgian Penitentiary System

“Sadistic wolves guarding the sheep” – it continues!!!

As told by William Van Der Weide, Citizen of Netherlands

This year, on July 7, Giorgi Keburia, 30, my business partner and friend, was arrested due to some previous business dealings. He is now in provisional custody (pre-trial detention). He is being held in Gldani prison number 7, and people have not been permitted to visit him. Neither have his lawyers been allowed to find out on which grounds he has been incarcerated. No trial has yet been held or scheduled. Not surprisingly, this being Georgia, neither his family members nor his attorneys have been able to talk about the case, out of fear.

It is unclear to us why Giorgi was really arrested in the first place. Even the Ambassador of Netherlands, Shota Gvineria, who met with him before he was imprisoned, is refusing to talk about the case. He thinks the charge is fabricated, and it would be dangerous for him to get involved. Giorgi asked for a Bible, but his lawyer was not allowed to supply him one.  He later writes to my contact that - you might have been confused regarding my position and functions, therefore let me clarify for you (a) I am a diplomat (b) I am NOT a prosecutor or judge and (c) I can NOT influence any legal or illegal procedures in Georgia.

On October 4, at 5:30, I went to the prison building and presented my passport. I said I was a Jehovah’s Witness and asked them to let me see my partner Giorgi Keburia. I was allowed to go in without any complications. The meeting was, of course, very emotional. I noticed he had lost a lot of weight and he started telling me what he had had to endure from the moment he was first taken to the prison.

I could never have imagined that in Georgian society people would act like wild animals, but as I now know policemen use violence and torture and do other horrible things to people as soon as they seize them. I met with Giorgi in room number 2, which was well-equipped with surveillance cameras and microphones (bugs). We talked for 45 minutes and I was astonished at the power of his faith; I was very impressed by it.  They hadn’t broken him, even after three months of constant torture, and he wasn’t worried only about himself but about me too. I wanted to cry. But I managed to hold back my tears until after I had left the prison. This man had been praying from the very first day of his imprisonment, using the prison Bible no one else was reading, and he was showing those guards who was who.

I tried to visit Giorgi again the next day with a few of my friends. One of them is an American citizen, journalist and human rights defender. The day before I had promised Giorgi that I would visit him and do my best to help him get out of that filthy place, but the prison guards wouldn’t give us permission to see him this time. They kept coming up with different reasons for keeping us out. First they said journalists and human rights activists weren’t allowed to see prisoners (they explained that according to legislation only next of kin had the right to visit prisoners and that we could read the legislation only on the web-page; this is a violation of human rights.

When my friend demanded to be let in, as a journalist and human right protector, he was refused and accused of being a provocateur. We were mocked; they called the human rights centre to check whether he had actually been sent by someone from there or not. They were checking our connections. This clearly shows that the Ministry of Internal Affairs and 'human rights organizations’ active in Georgia are actually working together, they have their informers everywhere.

After all this they said that it was already too late, and visiting hours had ended at 18:00. However this was clearly a lie, as I entered at 17:45 the day before. So they created a new obstacle, and told us that yesterday they had made an exception and now they had to follow the rules; they said we had to ask permission from the prison department at 83 Gorgasali Street. Then we wondered why they had let me in the previous day - was it because I was holding a Bible and Jehovah’s Witness literature?

I’m writing about my impressions, about what I have seen over the last few days, about what my friend Giorgi Keburia has had to endure. The one thing which astonished me in this prison was not the newly constructed building but the personal strength and fortitude of my friend, who was locked in complete moral darkness in his prison cell. I was also surprised that in every corridor I could see religious symbols, and priests dressed in black - how come these clerics had never brought the horrifying stories of this prison to the outside world? This hasn't happened because the whole system is shrouded in darkness. The stories have become public only after the notorious recent videos were broadcast by different TV channels. Even though everyone knew about these terrible things, prisoners, their families, human rights activists, nobody, has dared to talk about them openly out of fear for their own lives or the safety of their loved ones.

I also saw a modern design award displayed in the prison hall. The sign said that this distinguished prison satisfies all  European standards. According to Giorgi Keburia, 85 prison employees still working there have been  personally involved in prisoner torture and yet  still hold on to their posts and offices. But you can now read all about the torture methods used on Keburia, or learn about them from Giorgi and his cellmates in person – they are no longer afraid to tell the truth.

I have lived in Georgia for several years, but now see that ‘democracy’ is not real here. Georgian democracy resembles the false democracy of Mickey Mouse. The greatest value of Christianity is love and compassion, but apparently, as the prison example shows, the highest values in Georgia include the bludgeon, the broom and “very bad words”.

Giorgi was beaten by a welcoming committee 20 guards the moment he entered the prison, they should have been explaining to him his rights. When a prisoner is taken into custody the first thing which must be done is to read him his rights and explain prison rules and regulations to him – this is standard practice everywhere. However, in this place prisoners are beaten half to death, insulted, humiliated and told that they will never walk out of there alive. Giorgi was also threatened he’d never leave the prison alive.  After the first time they beat him Giorgi couldn’t walk or even get out of bed for 3 days. For 7 days they wouldn’t allow him to take a shower or change clothes, which was one more way of torturing him.

Giorgi  stands alone against 100 representatives of the prison administration. They have tormented him as if they were wild animals. In the end, as I was leaving room 2, he told me: “Will, we are brothers and we have a father who loves us. The name of our father is Jehovah and everyone knows his name in this prison now. The people who did this will answer before him, especially those who ordered this (including President Misha Saakashvili). God sees everything.”

They will answer to God for the sufferings of my friend. The crimes these prisoners have committed are nothing in comparison to what the prison guards and other employees are committing against them. How can they go home after this and look their children or family members in the eye? Personally I am shocked by all that has happened.

The most disturbing aspect of this, explained my American friend, is that Guram Donadze, the Gldani prison warden (former head of the press centre of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and director of REAL TV, who also has close connections with Bacho Akhalaia and Tako Salakhaia), has been appointed to reform the prison. This man was allegedly involved in the brutal murder and torture of Sandro Girgvliani. This is a case of wolves guarding sheep. This kind of person shouldn’t be allowed to occupy such a responsible position, said my American friend.

Three months after Giorgi Keburia’s arrest the question of why he has been held in prison for so long is still unanswered. This is the story of Mickey Mouse, not democracy. My Georgian partner and friend still do not know for sure why he was actually taken into custody. He hasn’t been formally charged with a crime. He has been imprisoned, it seems, only on the grounds of a single complaint someone once filed, which no one has ever investigated.

Written after visiting the Gladni Prison number 7.

Described by William Van Der Weide, citizen of Netherlands, and transcribed and edited by Jeffrey Silverman, journalist, human rights advocate, Maya Tavartkiladze translator

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FBI involved in the murder of Zurab Zhvania, Georgian PM, smoking gun/Iranian heater???

-High time to dig into the murder of Zurab Zhvania – FBI involvement/cover up???

What has “four eyes and can’t see?”

Clear the washing line, there's some dirty laundry getting ready to be hung out to dry... recent interview with Zhvania's mother. Sounds like she thinks the time has come for the truth to come out. The only name missing from the interview is the incumbent PM's:

<http://www.georgianjournal.ge/index.php/politics/11157-i-want-to-know-who-the-prime-ministers-assassin-is>

I know we need to take everything which Pravda puts out with a big pinch of salt, but where there's smoke... it is also clear the FBI – locally assigned agent, Bryan Parman, married to the not-so-divorced-wife-of-a-Russian GRU officer. Bryan appears to have been actively involved in the cover up. 

BTW, he is a West Point Graduate, grew up in the swaps of Mississippi, “what has four I’s and can’t see, and was to be assigned three years to the US Embassy in Tbilisi, ended up after a bar fight transferred to Ukraine and then sent back to the US and promoted as part of what appears to have been a high level cover up – based on information from the National Security Council at the time (and that person committed suicide). 

Quoting a former girlfriend, “I cannot be certain that Bryan actually killed Zurab Zhvania but I am certain that he participated in covering up the brutal murder.” 

FBI: Georgian prime minister was assassinated

...fire usually isn't too far away: or in this case - cooking with gas!!!

Details of the murder of the revolutionary Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania are also rather shocking. As was said in the "interview,” - the "official version of Zurab Zhvania's death is an impudent [flat out] lie". "There is witness's testimony that the body of the former prime minister was carried to that ill-fated apartment where there was a broken [Iranian] gas stove [heater] after he died... Zvania suffered a long death: he was tortured with an electric shocker in the presence of Georgian President Saakashvili, and then beaten about the head with a heavy ash tray. All this happened in the presidential residence of Shavnabada. Raul Yusupov, ethnic Azeri was also killed there, though, he was not tortured as much. 

When his village was visited a few days later by foreign journalist, an American, that journalist was kidnapped off the street on the order of the above-mentioned FBI agent and beaten in the Ministry of Georgian Counterintelligence – as a ploy to run him out of Georgia; it didn't work.

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